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The ISI Hand: Pakistan’s Role in Punjab’s Insurgency

Sanctuary in Lahore, camps and Kalashnikovs, handlers discouraging peace: Pakistan's ISI armed and prolonged Punjab's insurgency without creating it. The doctrine, the machinery, the limits, and the precise share of blame.

The ISI Hand: Pakistan’s Role in Punjab’s Insurgency. Photo credit: The Indic Journal / source image.

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Sanctuary in Lahore, camps and Kalashnikovs, handlers discouraging peace: Pakistan's ISI armed and prolonged Punjab's insurgency…

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The doctrine, the machinery, the limits, and the precise share of blame.

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This story is filed under Punjab Files.

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No account of Punjab’s dark years is complete, or honest, without the external actor. The insurgency was born of Indian grievances and Indian failures, and this series has spent twenty nine articles recording them; but it was armed, trained, sheltered, and prolonged from across the Radcliffe Line, by the Inter Services Intelligence of Pakistan, as part of a doctrine its own strategists articulated openly. Assessing that role accurately, neither inflating it into an alibi for India’s failures nor discounting it as propaganda, is the purpose of this article.

The Doctrine

Pakistan’s military establishment emerged from the 1971 dismemberment of the country with a strategic conclusion its literature has never concealed: that India could be answered asymmetrically, by sustaining insurgencies within it, a doctrine later summarised in the phrase bleeding India through a thousand cuts and attributed in ambition to Zia ul Haq’s era. Punjab, bordering Pakistan, agriculturally vital, and after 1984 supplied with genuine mass grievance, presented the doctrine its first great opportunity, and Kashmir, after 1989, its second; the Punjab operation is widely treated in the scholarship as the rehearsal in which the machinery, camps, handlers, infiltration routes, and deniability protocols, was built and tested.

The Machinery

The elements are documented across Indian official records, the interrogations and memoirs of the era, international scholarship, and, over time, Pakistani acknowledgments. Sanctuary: the militant leaderships based themselves in Pakistan from the mid 1980s, with Panthic Committee figures, KCF and KLF and Babbar Khalsa commanders operating from Lahore and beyond, some, like Paramjit Singh Panjwar, residing there for decades until his 2023 assassination, and Wassan Singh Zaffarwal’s long Pakistani residence before his return. Training and arms: camps across the border processed the recruits whom Woodrose’s dragnet and 1984’s grief sent over, and the weapons flow, the Kalashnikov’s arrival in Punjab as the Afghan war’s arsenals leaked eastward, transformed the conflict’s lethality in the late 1980s, with the RDX and weapon consignments of the early 1990s intercepted in quantity. Direction: handlers pressed target selection and, per interrogation records, discouraged the movement’s periodic peace feelers, since a settled Punjab served no doctrine.

The Limits of the Hand

Accuracy requires the qualifications. The ISI did not create the insurgency; India’s 1984 did, and no external service can manufacture ten thousand recruits from a contented population. Pakistani support followed the movement’s rise rather than preceding it, fastening on grievances Delhi had supplied. Nor could the hand sustain what Punjab itself rejected: when the population turned in the early 1990s, sanctuary and supply across the border could preserve exiled leaderships but not the movement’s fighting presence, a lesson the doctrine’s Kashmir application would relearn. And the alibi cuts both ways: officials who invoked the foreign hand to deflect scrutiny of the disappearances were misusing a real fact to shield a separate crime, a conflation this series has been built to refuse.

The Long Tail

The Punjab operation never fully closed. The exiled networks persisted in Pakistan into the present century, designated and sanctioned internationally; Indian agencies have attributed the sporadic Khalistani violence of recent decades, the targeted killings, the terror modules, the drone borne weapons dropping into the border districts since 2019, to the same organisational descent; and the assassinations in Lahore of aged Punjab era figures, Panjwar among them, suggest the file remains active on both sides. For this series’ purposes the conclusion is proportionate: Pakistan’s ISI made Punjab’s tragedy longer, bloodier, and harder to end than its domestic causes alone would have, and bears its precise share of the era’s dead, no more, and no less, than the shares this series has assigned to the men of the buses, the cremation grounds, and the ministries that let the accords lapse.

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CategoryPunjab FilesReading Time3 minAuthorBharat BhushanPublishedJul 5, 2026UpdatedJul 5, 2026

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2026Article first published by The Indic Journal.
2026Latest editorial update recorded.
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Sanctuary in Lahore, camps and Kalashnikovs, handlers discouraging peace: Pakistan's ISI armed and prolonged Punjab's insurgency without creating it. The doctrine, the machinery, the limits, and…

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